詳解GRE邏輯閱讀3大解題思路和出題原則

詳解GRE邏輯閱讀3大解題思路和出題原則，我們來看看吧，下面小編就和大家分享，來欣賞一下吧。

【高分心得】詳解GRE邏輯閱讀3大解題思路和出題原則

GRE邏輯閱讀3大解題思路

1. 概括關(guān)鍵邏輯鏈

在解答邏輯題時，考生需要先看要求，是加強(qiáng)還是削弱、評估還是假設(shè)。然后提煉出關(guān)鍵邏輯鏈，其中必須包含題目中的重要對象以及對象之間的關(guān)系。

2. 抓住邏輯題目的結(jié)論

在解題時，考生面對多個選項，應(yīng)該特別注意找出選項中涉及關(guān)鍵鏈對象最多的、和題目的邏輯思維最接近的選項，這個選項往往就是正確答案。

3. 學(xué)會使用排除法

對于GRE考生來說，如果在解題時無法直接找出正確答案，那么至少可以通過找出并排除其它明顯存在問題的答案來縮小選擇的范圍。具體做法是按照選項內(nèi)容的相關(guān)和無關(guān)性進(jìn)行排除。

GRE邏輯閱讀3大出題原則

1、不需要專業(yè)的背景知識原則

閱讀中的邏輯題都是基于其中的某一個段落，涉及的領(lǐng)域很廣泛，像藝術(shù)、社會學(xué)、歷史、教育、政治、體育、廣告等。雖然涉及內(nèi)容包羅萬象，但無需任何學(xué)科、專業(yè)的特定知識，而應(yīng)著重從邏輯推理的角度來思維。

2、Which of the following 原則

邏輯題的大多數(shù)問題有which of the following, 要求你根據(jù)段落里所給信息及邏輯推理，從下面五個選項中選出一個選項，從而實現(xiàn)問題目的。

3、If true 原則

If true在許多考題中出現(xiàn)，緊接在which of the following 之后，有時表達(dá)是if practicable, if accepted, if feasible, if correct等。這使得選項在即使違反常識或?qū)I(yè)知識的情況下，我們也不能質(zhì)疑其正確性。

以上就是小編為大家詳細(xì)介紹的GRE邏輯閱讀3大解題思路和出題原則，大家如果想要在GRE邏輯閱讀部分順利解題贏取高分，那么對于上文內(nèi)容，就應(yīng)該有所了解。

【熱門GRE人文知識拓展閱讀】揭開簡·奧斯汀的神秘面紗

She still fascinates 200 years after the publication of "Pride and Prejudice"

《傲慢與偏見》問世兩百年后，她依然神秘撩人

“A LIFE of usefulness, literature, and religion, was not by any means a life of event,” wrote Henry Austen of his spinster sister Jane. This image of the sequestered author persisted for years. But contemporary scholars have reappraised “dear Aunt Jane” as an independent and worldly-wise woman who wielded a sardonic pen. She continues to fascinate, 200 years after the publication of “Pride and Prejudice”. This is the charm of a new biography from Paula Byrne, a British author, who breathes yet more life into Austen and her works by considering the objects that populated her days.

“她的一生雖裨益他人，與文學(xué)與宗教為伴，卻并無白云蒼狗，大起大伏?！焙喌母绺绾嗬@樣寫道。多年以來，簡的形象一直是終生未嫁，隱僻幽居。然而，當(dāng)代學(xué)者開始重新審視這名“親愛的奧斯汀姑姑”，把她看作一個深諳塵世智慧的獨(dú)立女性，舞動著手中的譏諷之筆?！栋谅c偏見》問世兩百年后，她依然神秘撩人——這份魅力同樣延續(xù)到英國作家寶拉伯恩為奧斯汀所著的傳記之中。在寶拉筆下，那個時代的流行物件，是通向奧斯汀生平及著作神秘之門的鑰匙，展示出一個更加生氣勃勃的簡。

Each chapter is organised around a single thing. Some are Austen's possessions, such as a topaz cross she received from her brother. Others are simply from the period, such as a barouche (an upmarket carriage), which helps to illustrate how well-travelled she was and how transport indicates status in her novels. In “Northanger Abbey” Catherine Morland finds a trip in Henry Tilney's curricle erotic, whereas she is nonplussed by John Thorpe's gig. Broadly chronological, this thematic approach offers a revealing picture of Austen and a lively social history.

這本傳記的每一章都圍繞著一個單獨(dú)的物件展開。有些是奧斯汀的私人收藏，例如她從哥哥那兒得到的一個托帕石十字架。其余的則是那個時代的流行品，例如四輪馬車(一駕上等馬車)，足現(xiàn)她游歷之廣以及在她的作品中，交通工具對于身份的烘托。在《諾桑覺寺》里，凱瑟琳.莫蘭覺得享利.蒂爾尼的二輪馬車新奇誘人，面對約翰.索普的馬車時卻不知所措。這種主題式的記傳方式，按時序徐徐展開一幅奧斯汀生平及其活躍的社會活動的長卷。

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Austen's formative years are the most interesting. Three vellum notebooks contain her “Juvenilia”—the stories and poems she wrote as a teenager. Her “greatest gifts are here in embryo”, writes Ms Byrne, clearly relishing Austen's satire and lack of restraint. The young author lampooned famous figures and offered parodies of sentimental novels. But she reserved her choicest words of wit for her sister Cassandra. When they were not living together they corresponded frequently, and Austen often tried out different voices—“gossipy, jokey, affectionate”—to make her laugh.

奧斯汀寫作的成型期最耐人尋味。有三本羊皮紙筆記記錄了她的“少女之作”——她在青少年時期寫的故事與詩歌。寶拉很享受此時奧斯汀式的譏諷語調(diào)和無拘無束，她寫道，她“無與倫比的天賦在此醞釀成型”。此時年輕的奧斯汀嘲諷當(dāng)時鼎鼎有名的人物，戲仿那些多愁善感的小說。但是她最具智慧鋒芒的字字珠璣卻是散落在與其姊卡桑德拉的信件中。兩人不住在一處時便頻繁通信，而奧斯汀常常嘗試不同的腔調(diào)——漫談式的，玩笑式的，或是浪漫式的——來逗她發(fā)笑。

During this time the movements of family followed the flows of inheritance; a vexatious matter that drives Austen's narratives. Old maids and mothers were often housed by rich cousins; a child might be made heir to childless relatives. An East Indian shawl introduces Aunt Phila—who at 21 sailed to Bengal in order to find a husband—and her daughter, Eliza. A romantic figure, and presumably illegitimate, Eliza first married a man who fell under the guillotine in the French Revolution, and later married Austen's brother Henry. This coquettish cousin is fictionalised as Mary Crawford in “Mansfield Park”. Austen also drew on Henry's militia experience for her depiction of flirtatious redcoats in “Pride and Prejudice”. Her midshipman brothers helped inform references to the navy.

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在這段時期，因為繼承的緣故，她不得不經(jīng)常搬遷—這類煩心事反倒豐富了她的敘述內(nèi)容。老姑娘和母親總是寄居在有錢的侄子家中;孩子會成為膝下無子的親戚的繼承人。一條來自東印度的披肩引出了費(fèi)拉阿姨—她在二十一歲時乘船到孟加拉尋找結(jié)婚對象——和她的女兒伊萊莎的故事。伊萊莎是個天性浪漫的私生女，她的先夫死于法國大革命的斷頭臺上;后來她嫁給了奧斯汀的哥哥亨利。這個輕佻嬌縱的嫂子后來成了她在《曼斯菲爾德莊園》里瑪麗.克勞福德小姐的原型。亨利本人的軍旅生涯也為她在《傲慢與偏見》中浮夸的“紅制服”軍人形象提供了素材。而她作做海軍的兄弟們則提供了海軍生活的第一手材料。

The book's liveliest passages are about city life and romance. Austen frequently visited London and lived in Bath for years. She was probably not a beauty—only one authenticated portrait exists (although Ms Byrne makes a strong case for another with uncertain provenance). But her wit and intelligence lured many a suitor. None of them stuck, but many are recalled with mirth in her letters. Austen was no prude. Her novels feature illicit liaisons and she gives Mary Crawford a sexually loaded naval joke about “Rears and Vices”. But she had high standards and a mortal fear of childbirth. She was all too aware of the way women either died during labour or “grew old by confinements and nursing”.

這本傳記最輕快活潑的篇章描述了城市生活和浪漫故事。奧斯汀頻繁造訪倫敦并在巴斯寓居多年。她可能算不得一個美人—她的畫像中只有一幅真跡存世(盡管寶拉堅信另一幅來歷不明的畫像也是真跡)，但是她的機(jī)鋒和智慧卻吸引了許多追求者。無人獲其芳心，成就美眷;然而在她的信件中，關(guān)于他們的回憶大多充滿歡樂。奧斯汀并非嚴(yán)肅拘謹(jǐn)之人，她的小說寫到過男女私通;瑪麗.克勞福德就曾開過一個下流的海軍玩笑 “臀部與罪惡”。不過她的確道德自律，且畏懼生產(chǎn)。她十分明白：有些女性會死于生產(chǎn)，或是在不斷懷孕和持續(xù)哺乳中年華逝去。

Ms Byrne has an obvious affection for her subject. This book may offer few revelations, but it paints a fresh and vivid picture of an inimitable woman.

顯而易見，寶拉對其傳記對象—簡奧斯汀—充滿喜愛之情。這本書可能并無多少“驚人內(nèi)幕”，但它無疑描繪出了這名獨(dú)一無二的女性—血肉豐滿,栩栩如生

【熱門GRE人文知識拓展閱讀】MAN,你要小心了!

Blue-collar men in rich countries are in trouble. They must learn to adapt

在發(fā)達(dá)國家的藍(lán)領(lǐng)男性群體正處于困境中，他們必須學(xué)會適應(yīng)。

AT FIRST glance the patriarchy appears to be thriving. More than 90% of presidents and prime ministers are male, as are nearly all big corporate bosses. Men dominate finance, technology, films, sports, music and even stand-up comedy. In much of the world they still enjoysocial and legal privileges simply because they have a Y chromosome. So it might seem odd to worry about the plight of men.

父系社會現(xiàn)在咋一看似乎正興盛。超過90%的國家總統(tǒng)總理，和幾乎所有大型公司的大boss都是男性。男性統(tǒng)治著經(jīng)濟(jì)，科技，企業(yè)，體育，音樂，甚至連說相聲的都基本是男的。在大多數(shù)國家里男人僅僅因為擁有一條Y染色體便享有在社會和法律上的特權(quán)，這樣看來，擔(dān)心男性的“悲催命運(yùn)”般的困境似乎是在杞人憂天。

Yet there is plenty of cause for concern. Men cluster at the bottom as well as the top. They are far more likely than women to be jailed, estranged from their children, or to kill themselves. They earn fewer university degrees than women. Boys in the developed world are 50% more likely to flunk basic maths, reading and science entirely.

但有卻又大量的原由讓人不得不擔(dān)心。男性群體從渣男到精英男，他們在被關(guān)進(jìn)監(jiān)獄啊，被他們的孩子疏遠(yuǎn)嫌棄啊，或者自殺率啊都遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)大于女性，卻在取得更多的大學(xué)學(xué)位上敗給了女性。在發(fā)達(dá)國家中，有50%左右的男孩會在基礎(chǔ)數(shù)學(xué)，閱讀和科學(xué)學(xué)科上掛掉。

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One group in particular is suffering. Poorly educated men in rich countries have had difficulty coping with the enormous changes in the labour market and the home over the past half-century. As technology and trade have devalued brawn, less-educated men have struggled to find a role in the workplace. Women, on the other hand, are surging into expanding sectors such as health care and education, helped by their superior skills. As education has become more important, boys have also fallen behind girls in school (except at the very top). Men who lose jobs in manufacturing often never work again. And men without work find it hard to attract a permanent mate. The result, for low-skilled men, is a poisonous combination of no job, no family and no prospects.

在男性群體中又有一類人尤其遭罪。在過去的半個世紀(jì)里，發(fā)達(dá)國家里的受教育程度低的男性已經(jīng)非常難應(yīng)對發(fā)生了巨變的勞工市場和家庭?，F(xiàn)代技術(shù)革新和貿(mào)易已經(jīng)使原先的靠勞力形式的肌肉男的價值直線下降，缺少教育的男性，不得不在職場中苦苦掙扎，才能博得一席之地。相反的，女性卻依靠著自身出眾的技能，在像醫(yī)療衛(wèi)生和教育這樣的領(lǐng)域里大放異彩。教育已經(jīng)變成更重要的事情，而男孩卻學(xué)校里被女孩甩在了身后(尖端領(lǐng)域?qū)W科除外)。從工廠失業(yè)的男性常從此不再去工作。而沒有工作的男性會發(fā)現(xiàn)去吸引永久的伴侶是件非常難的事。由此導(dǎo)致低技術(shù)的男性被無工作，無家庭，無前景的“三無”劇毒環(huán)環(huán)圍住。

From nuclear families to fissile ones

從核心家庭到易碎家庭

Those on the political left tend to focus on economics. Shrinking job opportunities for men, they say, are entrenching poverty and destroying families. In America pay for men with only a high-school certificate fell by 21% in real terms between 1979 and 2013; for women with similar qualifications it rose by 3%. Around a fifth of working-age American men with only a high-school diploma have no job.

支持左翼 的人傾向于專注于經(jīng)濟(jì)，他們認(rèn)為減少男性工作的機(jī)會會加劇貧窮，并，并摧毀家庭。在美國，只有高中學(xué)歷的男性的實際收入，從1979年到2013年減低了 21%，而同等學(xué)歷的女性，在此期間的實際收入?yún)s提高了3%。約有5分之一的只有高中學(xué)歷的處在工作適齡的男性，處在失業(yè)中。

Those on the right worry about the collapse of the family. The vast majority of women would prefer to have a partner who does his bit both financially and domestically. But they would rather do without one than team up with a layabout, which may be all that is on offer: American men without jobs spend only half as much time on housework and caring for others as do women in the same situation, and much more time watching television.

支持右翼的人擔(dān)心著家庭的崩潰。絕大多數(shù)的女性傾向于和愿兼顧家里財政收入職能和家務(wù)勞動職能的男性成為兩口子。她們寧愿單身也不愿隨便和一個游手好閑的盧瑟勉強(qiáng)過一輩子，而這是有依據(jù)的：美國失業(yè)男性僅僅只付出同等條件下失業(yè)女性的一半的時間來做家務(wù)事和照顧彼此的生活，這些男人會花更多的時間來看電視。

Hence the unravelling of working-class families. The two-parent family, still the norm among the elite, is vanishing among the poor. In rich countries the proportion of births outside marriage has trebled since 1980, to 33%. In some areas where traditional manufacturing has collapsed, it has reached 70% or more. Children raised in broken homes learn less at school, are more likely to drop out and earn less later on than children from intact ones. They are also not very good at forming stable families of their own.

因此工人階級的家庭變的更易解體。雙親家庭這種形式還是精英階層的標(biāo)配，而這種家庭形式卻在窮人中正在消失。在發(fā)達(dá)國家，非婚生子占新生兒的比重比1980年高出了3倍，已經(jīng)達(dá)到了33%。而在一些傳統(tǒng)制造業(yè)崩壞的地區(qū)，這一比例達(dá)到70%甚至更高。生活在破碎家庭里的孩子比起一般家庭的孩子而言，在學(xué)校里會學(xué)的更少，更可能輟學(xué)和收入較低。同時，因為不善于處理家庭問題，他們自己日后的家庭也趨于不穩(wěn)定(簡言之單親家庭的孩子長大后更易于組成新的單親家庭)。

These two sides often talk past each other. But their explanations are not contradictory: both economics and social change are to blame, and the two causes reinforce each other. Moreover, these problems are likely to get worse. Technology will disrupt more industries, creating benefits for society but rendering workers who fail to update their skills redundant. The OECD, a think-tank, predicts that the absolute number of single-parent households will continue to rise in nearly all rich countries. Boys who grow up without fathers are more likely to have trouble forming lasting relationships, creating a cycle of male dysfunction.

這兩種政治傾向的討論話題往往會相互交叉重疊。但二者的觀點(diǎn)卻并不矛盾：經(jīng)濟(jì)狀況和社會這二者的變革都是造成此類現(xiàn)狀的原因，而這二者還互為因果，形成惡性循環(huán)。此外，這些問題可能變得更糟?？萍紝⑼呓飧嗟男袠I(yè)，為社會創(chuàng)造更多的價值，但也將使更多的無法升級自身技能的勞動者失業(yè)。 經(jīng)濟(jì)合作與發(fā)展組織里的一個諸葛天團(tuán)預(yù)測單親家庭的比例定會繼續(xù)在所有發(fā)達(dá)國家中上升。在沒有父性角色的家庭長大的男孩，將更可能不能處理好長久關(guān)系(如夫妻關(guān)系)以至于形成新的單親家庭，由此形成一個男性功能紊亂的死循環(huán)。

Tinker, tailor, soldier, hairdresser

鍋匠，裁縫，士兵和美發(fā)師

What can be done? Part of the solution lies in a change in cultural attitudes. Over the past generation, middle-class men have learned that they need to help with child care, and have changed their behaviour. Working-class men need to catch up. Women have learned that they can be surgeons and physicists without losing their femininity. Men need to understand that traditional manual jobs are not coming back, and that they can be nurses or hairdressers without losing their masculinity.

那么問題來了，我們能做什么呢?其一在于改變文化態(tài)度。在過去的一代，中產(chǎn)階層的男士知曉了他們需要幫忙照看小孩，并由此改變了他們的行為。工人階層的男士們需要加緊腳步趕上來了。女士知曉了她們可以成為外科醫(yī)師和物理學(xué)家而不失其女性魅力。男人們需要明白傳統(tǒng)的體力工作一去不復(fù)返，他們可以成為護(hù)士或美發(fā)師而不失其男性霸氣側(cè)漏之美。

Policymakers also need to lend a hand, because foolish laws are making the problem worse. America reduces the supply of marriageable men by locking up millions of young males for non-violent offences and then making it hard for them to find work when they get out (in Georgia, for example, felons are barred from feeding pigs, fighting fires or working in funeral homes). A number of rich countries discourage poor people from marrying or cohabiting by cutting their benefits if they do.

政府決策人也需搭把手，因為愚蠢的法令會令問題變得更糟。美國減少了對被關(guān)押的以百萬數(shù)計的非暴力犯罪的處于適婚年齡的年輕男子的支持，并在他們出獄后找工作這種事上還要制絆腳石造(以喬治亞州為例，罪犯被禁止從事養(yǎng)豬，救火或在殯葬館工作)。在一些發(fā)達(dá)國家，為了阻止窮人結(jié)婚或者同居這一目的，通過如果他們這么干的話就砍掉他們的福利這種手段來達(dá)到。

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Even more important than scrapping foolish policies is retooling the educational system, which was designed in an age when most men worked with their muscles. Politicians need to recognise that boys'underachievement is a serious problem, and set about fixing it. Some sensible policies that are good for everybody are particularly good for boys. Early-childhood education provides boys with more structure and a better chance of developing verbal and social skills. Countries with successful vocational systems such as Germany have done a better job than Anglo-Saxon countries of motivating non-academic boys and guiding them into jobs, but policymakers need to reinvent vocational education for an age when trainees are more likely to get jobs in hospitals than factories.

不過比起廢棄愚蠢的政策，改革設(shè)計于大多數(shù)男人都是用肌肉(而非腦)工作的年代的教育系統(tǒng)顯得更為重要。政治家門應(yīng)該意識到男孩們的學(xué)習(xí)成績不良師一個很嚴(yán)峻的問題，并應(yīng)立足于改善之。一些明智的政策是為每個人都好，特別是對男孩。早期兒童教育會提供男孩們更系統(tǒng)并更能更好的發(fā)展他們的口語能力和社會技能。有著成功的職業(yè)教育系統(tǒng)的國家如德國，在鼓勵男孩去學(xué)術(shù)化，重職業(yè)化，并指導(dǎo)他們工作上，已經(jīng)做的比起盎格魯-撒克遜國家而言要好的多了。但政策制定者應(yīng)將恢復(fù)職業(yè)教育的重心放在使受訓(xùn)者更傾向于日后在醫(yī)院工作而不是在工廠工作這種時代要求上。

More generally, schools need to become more boy-friendly. They should recognise that boys like to rush around more than girls do: it’s better to give them lots of organised sports and energy-eating games than to dose them with Ritalin or tell them off for fidgeting. They need to provide more male role models: employing more male teachers in primary schools will both supply boys with a male to whom they can relate and demonstrate that men can be teachers as well as firefighters.

更廣泛而言，學(xué)校需要變得更親男孩化一些。他們應(yīng)該意識到男孩比起女孩而言就是會更可能到處闖禍：比起給他們吃藥或告誡他們不要亂動而言，最好還是提供給他們一些有組織的運(yùn)動和耗費(fèi)精力的游戲。他們需要男性榜樣角色：在小學(xué)階段，雇傭更多的男性教師，這不但可以給男孩子提供他們可以認(rèn)同的男性角色，還可以為男人可以像成為消防員一樣的成為教師提供實證。

The growing equality of the sexes is one of the biggest achievements of the post-war era: people have greater opportunities than ever before to achieve their ambitions regardless of their gender. But some men have failed to cope with this new world. It is time to give them a hand.

男女越來越平等是戰(zhàn)后我們?nèi)〉玫闹卮蟪删椭唬罕绕鹨郧?，現(xiàn)今人們不論性別都可以擁有更好的機(jī)會去實現(xiàn)他們的夢想。但是一些男士未能適應(yīng)這個新的世界，是時候?qū)λ麄兩斐鲈至恕?/p>

GRE考試閱讀真題及答案綜合整理

According to Hill and Spicer, the term “nation-state” is a misnomer, since the ideal model of a monolingual, culturally homogeneous state has never existed, not even among Europeans, who invented the nation-state concept and introduced it to the rest of the world. Modern European states, they argue, emerged after the Renaissance through the rise of nations (i.e., specific ethnic groups) to positions of political and economic dominance over a number of other ethnic groups within the bounded political territories. The term “nation-state”, Hill and Spicer argue, obscures the internal cultural and linguistic diversity of states that could more accurately be called “conquest states.” The resurgence of multiple ethnic groups within a single state, Hill says, is not “potentially threating to the sovereign jurisdiction of the state,” as Urban and Sherzer suggest; rather, the assertion of cultural differences threatens to reveal ethnocentric beliefs and practices upon which conquest states were historically founded and thus to open up the possibility for a “nations-state” in which conquered ethnic groups enjoy equal rights with the conquering ethnic group but do not face the threat of persecution or cultural assimilation into the dominant ethnic group.

1. The primary purpose of the passage is to

A. discuss issues relating to a form of political organization by raising doubts about the terminology used to refer to it

B. trace changes in a form of political organization by examining the evolution of the terminology used to refer to

C. justify the continued use of an established term for an evolving form of political organization

D. question the accuracy of a new term for a form of political organization

E. compare two terms for a form of political organization

2. The author of the passage quotes Urban and Sherzer most probably in order to

A. introduce a discussion of the legal ramifications of expanding the nation-state concept

B. summarize a claim about one possible effect of asserting cultural differences within a state

C. shift the focus of discussion from internal threats that states face to external threats that they face

D. point out similarities between the threats to states seen by Urban and Sherzer and those seen by Hill

E. describe one way an ethnocentric practice has affected attempts to assert cultural differences within a state

3. According to the passage, Hill and Spicer define nations as which of the following?

A. coalitions of distinct ethnic groups with similar concerns

B. Distinct ethnic groups

C. Culturally homogeneous states

D. Linguistically diverse states

E. Territorially bounded states

答案：

A B B