雅思閱讀如何在正確率和做題速度上做取舍
該如何在做題的準(zhǔn)確率和速度上做出取舍，如何最優(yōu)地做閱讀題呢?下面小編給大家?guī)?lái)了雅思閱讀如何在正確率和做題速度上做取舍，希望能夠幫助到大家，下面小編就和大家分享，來(lái)欣賞一下吧。
雅思閱讀如何在正確率和做題速度上做取舍
1. 瀏覽文章的必要性
瀏覽文章是雅思閱讀的必備策略。做題時(shí)，通常先閱讀題目，然后通過(guò)題目中的關(guān)鍵詞到文章中定位，最后找到答案。但是若遇到某些題型，單純依靠定位就不合時(shí)宜了，即使僥幸做對(duì)，那也是自欺欺人。
例如目前頗有大展其鼓之勢(shì)的段落細(xì)節(jié)配對(duì)題。簡(jiǎn)而言之，此題型就是出題者給出一個(gè)細(xì)節(jié)，然后要求答題者找出細(xì)節(jié)所在的相應(yīng)段落。若用定位法，勢(shì)必整段逐行搜尋，耗時(shí)耗力，效率等同于通讀全文，更何況有時(shí)還未必能找到題干中的相同詞語(yǔ)，而是需要靠做題者自己去歸納。
例如“劍四”52頁(yè)30題題干“a description of the mental activities which are exercised and developed during play”，在文章相關(guān)段落中很難甄別出上述信息。還有T/F/NG題中，雖然題目順序與原文答案出現(xiàn)順序一般保持一致，但也不能完全排除順序打亂的情況出現(xiàn)，例如“劍五”19頁(yè)8-13題。要做出這些題，那就非讀文章不可了。
2. 結(jié)構(gòu)閱讀法
那么雅思文章該怎么讀呢?首先，我們來(lái)看看雅思權(quán)威考官Vanessa Jakeman和Clare McDowell兩位專家是怎么說(shuō)的：
“When you go to university or college you may be overwhelmed by the amount of reading you are expected to do. You will have to do a lot of this reading on your own and you will need to be able to read discriminatingly. This means you will need to have the skills required to focus in on the information that is important to you and to skim through the information that isn’t.”
按照他們的說(shuō)法，雅思閱讀就是考察學(xué)生在讀長(zhǎng)文章時(shí)篩選信息的能力，即read discriminately，知道哪些是重要信息必須細(xì)讀，哪些是無(wú)用的，可以忽略。雅思考題的設(shè)計(jì)思路不僅是為了測(cè)試考生的語(yǔ)言水平，更在于幫助考生培養(yǎng)起一套適合英聯(lián)邦大學(xué)教學(xué)觀念的學(xué)習(xí)方法。
在英國(guó)念文科的同學(xué)都會(huì)有這樣一種共識(shí)，那就是一學(xué)期要看很多書(shū)，寫(xiě)很多essay，有的同學(xué)雖然很刻苦，整日地泡在圖書(shū)館里做書(shū)蟲(chóng)，但還是讀不完reading list中的必讀書(shū)。再對(duì)比周圍英國(guó)同學(xué)，他們不見(jiàn)得比我們刻苦，卻很能掉書(shū)袋，寫(xiě)出的essay理論功底更深。
學(xué)習(xí)效率的高低正是由閱讀方法的差異造成的。中國(guó)學(xué)生從小接受英語(yǔ)精讀教學(xué)，咬文嚼字，看書(shū)喜歡一頁(yè)頁(yè)地細(xì)嚼慢咽。就個(gè)人閱讀習(xí)慣而言，這種讀法無(wú)可厚非，但若是做學(xué)問(wèn)，這就不是正確的方法了。而英國(guó)學(xué)生讀書(shū)，總是先瀏覽目次、摘要等信息，然后閱讀索引，找尋需要的信息，所以他們一本書(shū)通常讀一天甚至于幾小時(shí)就夠了。同樣雅思的文章，也沒(méi)必要逐字逐句的讀，而是要了解作者行文時(shí)的構(gòu)思以及寫(xiě)文章要達(dá)到的目的。如果做題前就能對(duì)文章的思路了如指掌，那就好比站在了作者的高度，定位時(shí)也就不會(huì)出現(xiàn)無(wú)的放矢的碰運(yùn)氣了。
有的同學(xué)也許會(huì)有這樣的疑問(wèn)，雅思文章題材五花八門(mén)，行文艱深晦澀，要看懂都不容易，怎樣能在幾分鐘內(nèi)，梳理出作者的寫(xiě)作思路呢?對(duì)于這個(gè)問(wèn)題我們知道，雅思文章的學(xué)術(shù)性雖然決定了它的深度，但另一方面也決定了相對(duì)固定的文章結(jié)構(gòu)。
因?yàn)閷W(xué)術(shù)是嚴(yán)謹(jǐn)?shù)?，在形式上它有一套?yán)格的規(guī)范(the established academic caliber)。就學(xué)術(shù)范疇的文章而言，其觀點(diǎn)可以犀利獨(dú)到，但論證必須縝密，所以文章層次結(jié)構(gòu)相比起他體裁是穩(wěn)定的。換言之，學(xué)術(shù)文章有點(diǎn)八股文的味道。那么我們就可以利用這點(diǎn)迅速掌握文章結(jié)構(gòu)繼而掌握思路了。
文章的性質(zhì)決定了文章的結(jié)構(gòu)。在《劍橋雅思》的前言中，關(guān)于閱讀有這樣一段話: “The passages are on topics of general interest. At least one text contains detailed logical argument.” 據(jù)筆者觀察，所有雅思文章都可以分為兩大類：介紹性的學(xué)術(shù)說(shuō)明文和論辯性的學(xué)術(shù)論文。
說(shuō)明文只是對(duì)一個(gè)既定的事實(shí)進(jìn)行客觀介紹和陳述，不包含argument，教科書(shū)就屬于這一類;而學(xué)術(shù)論文通常針對(duì)一個(gè)懸而未決的問(wèn)題，進(jìn)行論證，繼而提出解決方案，其過(guò)程就是提出問(wèn)題、分析問(wèn)題、解決問(wèn)題。在雅思考試中，這類文章分為兩種：實(shí)驗(yàn)論證和邏輯論證。下面就依次介紹這幾種文章的結(jié)構(gòu):
(一)介紹類學(xué)術(shù)說(shuō)明文的結(jié)構(gòu)
要判斷文章類別，一般看標(biāo)題就可以了。介紹類文章是對(duì)某事物或現(xiàn)象進(jìn)行描述或介紹，所以標(biāo)題一般為名詞短語(yǔ)或者以How開(kāi)頭的疑問(wèn)句。具體結(jié)構(gòu)如下：
-Introduce a phenomenon or a fact.
-Detailed Description:
Timeline/Different Aspects/Logic Development
-Look into the future/Summary
無(wú)論什么文章，起始段總是引出主題，所以多用敘述描寫(xiě)性語(yǔ)言，或介紹現(xiàn)象，或陳述事實(shí)，或交代問(wèn)題。
在介紹類說(shuō)明文中，中間斷落是對(duì)事物細(xì)節(jié)的展開(kāi)描述，各種話題可以通過(guò)三種不同方式展開(kāi)。第一類時(shí)間順序，通常用于陳述一個(gè)歷史事件，例如劍五中的“Johnson’s Dictionary”就是這一類。第二類并列或遞進(jìn)，從各個(gè)側(cè)面來(lái)介紹，例如劍四中的“What Do Whales feel?”，一看標(biāo)題就知道是介紹鯨魚(yú)各個(gè)感官的，屬于并列結(jié)構(gòu)。第三類是邏輯順序，據(jù)筆者統(tǒng)計(jì)，環(huán)境自然類文章多依照這種順序，下文對(duì)此會(huì)作詳細(xì)評(píng)述，這里不再贅言。
(二)論證類文章的結(jié)構(gòu)
(1)實(shí)驗(yàn)類文章
-Introduce experiment
-Pre-experiment (Subjects, Tools, Methods)
-Experiment Process
-Result (Collecting Data)
-Analyses and Syntheses
在雅思閱讀中，實(shí)驗(yàn)類文章結(jié)構(gòu)最為固定。筆者分析了“劍四”和“劍五”中所有實(shí)驗(yàn)類文章，發(fā)現(xiàn)其結(jié)構(gòu)無(wú)一不遵循以上套路，這是因?yàn)閷?shí)驗(yàn)報(bào)告的形式本來(lái)就單調(diào)。首段總是說(shuō)明實(shí)驗(yàn)的緣起以及實(shí)驗(yàn)沒(méi)目的，然后介紹實(shí)驗(yàn)前的準(zhǔn)備工作包括器具，實(shí)驗(yàn)主體等，接著進(jìn)入實(shí)驗(yàn)進(jìn)程的描述，而后公布實(shí)驗(yàn)結(jié)果，最后綜合數(shù)據(jù)得出結(jié)論。無(wú)論實(shí)驗(yàn)做什么，這個(gè)基本順序是不會(huì)改變的。
(2)邏輯論證類結(jié)構(gòu)
-Introduce the topic/problem
-Literature Review (Optional)
-Present Causes/Reasons (optional)
-Writer’s Approach
-Supporting Evidences
-Conclusions
這類文章從結(jié)構(gòu)上講更接近于論文。起始段導(dǎo)出議題，第二部分對(duì)議題進(jìn)行文獻(xiàn)綜述，介紹已有的觀點(diǎn)或探討引發(fā)問(wèn)題的原因，第三部分引入作者的判斷以及相關(guān)分論點(diǎn)或論據(jù)，最后是結(jié)論。在雅思考試是中這類文章通常是比較難的。
3. 實(shí)戰(zhàn)中的運(yùn)用
下面結(jié)合題目具體說(shuō)明結(jié)構(gòu)閱讀法的運(yùn)用。
例一(“劍五”P(pán)16，Johnson’s Dictionary)
一看標(biāo)題就知道是說(shuō)明文，主題是介紹約翰遜博士的詞典。然后閱讀具體斷落來(lái)套結(jié)構(gòu)，注意一般只要看首尾句就可以了。第一段第一句”There had been concerns about the state of the English language.”交代背景，說(shuō)明英語(yǔ)語(yǔ)言的問(wèn)題，引出編詞典的主題。第二段首句“there had, of course, been dictionaries in the past”介紹過(guò)去的字典，可知這篇文章的結(jié)構(gòu)是按照時(shí)間順序進(jìn)行的。抓住這點(diǎn)，余下幾段就容易分析了。
依次往后，分別講了編詞典的必要性、編詞典前的準(zhǔn)備、編詞典中的艱難、介紹工作成果、出版后的好評(píng)，約翰遜的感慨以及最后功成名就。抓住這個(gè)順序，即使后面的T/F/NG題次序打亂，每道題也依然能夠準(zhǔn)確快速地定位了。限于篇幅，此處稍舉幾例。
第9題“Johnson has become more well- known since his death.”這句和身后事有關(guān)，按照時(shí)間順序肯定在最后一段找了。第10題“Johnson had been planning to writer a dictionary for several years”，按照時(shí)間順序，這句應(yīng)該去第四段找，因?yàn)槟嵌沃v的是編詞典的準(zhǔn)備階段。
例二(“劍五”P(pán)20，Nature or Nurture)
首先通過(guò)首句可以判斷是實(shí)驗(yàn)類文章。閱讀各段首句，梳理結(jié)構(gòu)：A段引出實(shí)驗(yàn)，說(shuō)明實(shí)驗(yàn)?zāi)康?。B段介紹實(shí)驗(yàn)前的準(zhǔn)備工作。C段實(shí)驗(yàn)過(guò)程。D、E兩段實(shí)驗(yàn)結(jié)果，F(xiàn)、G、H三段實(shí)驗(yàn)分析。最后一段綜合，得出結(jié)論。看后面的段落細(xì)節(jié)配對(duì)題。14題從生物學(xué)角度分析實(shí)驗(yàn)結(jié)果，在F、G、H段內(nèi)找。從首句可判斷F段講動(dòng)物攻擊性，G段講社會(huì)性，H段講人性和道德，動(dòng)物攻擊性最接近生物學(xué)，所以選F段。15題講實(shí)驗(yàn)?zāi)康?，所以選A段。16題講實(shí)驗(yàn)主體，所以B段。剩余各題都可如法炮制，這里不再贅述。
環(huán)境自然現(xiàn)象類文章結(jié)構(gòu)
-Introduce phenomenon
-Causes
-Impacts or effects brought by it
-Solutions/Look into the future
文章的主題通常是某種現(xiàn)象如地震，火山等，起始段介紹現(xiàn)象及其產(chǎn)生的原因，下面各段講造成的后果，介紹人類怎樣應(yīng)對(duì)，最后展望未來(lái)。例如，“劍五”P(pán)86，“The Impact of Wilderness Tourism”探討野外旅游, 主題屬于環(huán)境類。按照這個(gè)結(jié)構(gòu)即使不看文章，我們也應(yīng)該可以判斷Section A選的是iii這個(gè)標(biāo)題(Fragile regions and the reasons for the expansion of tourism there)，依次類推Section B論述后果，那么應(yīng)該選V因?yàn)槔锩嬗小癲isruptive effects”，而Section C論述應(yīng)對(duì)措施所以選ii。
總之，在做題前分析文章結(jié)構(gòu)，了解每段的構(gòu)成和主題是很有必要的。這既是一種有效考試的策略，更是針對(duì)學(xué)術(shù)文章的良好閱讀方法。
最新雅思閱讀全真模擬試題：經(jīng)濟(jì)進(jìn)化論
Economic Evolution
A Living along the Orinoco River that borders Brazil and Venezuela are the Yanomam people, hunter-gatherers whose average annual income has been estimated at the equivalent of $90 per person per year. Living along the Hudson River that borders New York State and New Jersey are the Manhattan people, consumer traders whose average annual income has been estimated at $36,000 per person per year. That dramatic difference of 400 times, however, pales in comparison to the differences in Stock Keeping Units (SKUs, a measure of the number of types of retail products available), which has been estimated at 300 for the Yanomam and 10 billion for the Manhattans, a difference of 33 million times.
B How did this happen? According to economist Eric D. Beinhocker, who published these calculations in his revelatory work The Origin of Wealth (Harvard Business School Press, 2006), the explanation is to be found in complexity theory. Evolution and economics are not just analogous to each other, but they are actually two forms of a larger phenomenon called complex adaptive systems, in which individual elements, parts or agents interact, then process information and adapt their behavior to changing conditions. Immune systems, ecosystems, language, the law and the Internet are all examples of complex adaptive systems.
C In biological evolution, nature selects from the variation produced by random genetic mutations and the mixing of parental genes. Out of that process of cumulative selection emerges complexity and diversity. In economic evolution, our material economy proceeds through the production and selection of numerous permutations of countless products. Those 10 billion products in the Manhattan village represent only those variations that made it to market, after which there is a cumulative selection by consumers in the marketplace for those deemed most useful:VHS over Betamax, DVDs over VHS, CDs over vinyl records, flip phones over brick phones, computers over typewriters, Google over Altavista, SUVs over station wagons, paper books over e-books (still), and Internet news over network news (soon).Those that are purchased “survive” and "reproduce" into the future through repetitive use and remanufacturing.
D As with living organisms and ecosystems, the economy looks designed—so just as humans naturally deduce the existence of a top-down intelligent designer, humans also (understandably) infer that a top-down government designer is needed in nearly every aspect of the economy. But just as living organisms are shaped from the bottom up by natural selection, the economy is molded from the bottom up by the invisible hand. The correspondence between evolution and economics is not perfect, because some top-down institutional rules and laws are needed to provide a structure within which free and fair trade can occur. But too much top-down interference into the marketplace makes trade neither free nor fair. When such attempts have been made in the past they have failed—because markets are far too complex, interactive and autocatalytic to be designed from the top down. In his 1922 book, Socialism, Ludwig Von Mises spelled out the reasons why, most notably the problem of “economic calculation” in a planned socialist economy. In capitalism, prices are in constant and rapid flux and are determined from below by individuals freely exchanging in the marketplace. Money is a means of exchange, and prices are the information people use to guide their choices. Von Mises demonstrated that socialist economies depend on capitalist economies to determine what prices should be assigned to goods and services. And they do so cumbersomely and inefficiently. Relatively free markets are, ultimately, the only way to find out what buyers are willing to pay and what sellers are willing to accept.
E Economics helps to explain how Yanomam-like hunter-gatherers evolved into Manhattan-like consumer-traders. In the Nineteenth century French economist Frederic Bastiat well captured the principle: “Where goods do not cross frontiers, armies will." In addition to being fierce warriors, the Yanomam are also sophisticated traders, and the more they trade the less they fight. The reason is that trade is a powerful social adhesive that creates political alliances. One village cannot go to another village and announce that they are worried about being conquered by a third, more powerful village—that would reveal weakness. Instead they mask the real motives for alliance through trade and reciprocal feasting. And, as a result, not only gain military protection but also initiate a system of trade that—in the long run—leads to an increase in both wealth and SKUs.
F Free and fair trade occurs in societies where most individuals interact in ways that provide mutual benefit. The necessary rules weren't generated by wise men in a sacred temple, or lawmakers in congress, but rather evolved over generations and were widely accepted and practiced before the law was ever written. Laws that fail this test are ignored. If enforcement becomes too onerous, there is rebellion. Yet the concept that human interaction must, and can be controlled by a higher force is universal. Interestingly, there is no widespread agreement on who the "higher force" is. Religious people ascribe good behavior to god's law. They cannot conceive of an orderly society of atheists. Secular people credit the government. They consider anarchy to be synonymous with barbarity. Everyone seems to agree on the concept that orderly society requires an omnipotent force. Yet, everywhere there is evidence that this is not so. An important distinction between spontaneous social order and social anarchy is that the former is developed by work and investment, under the rule of law and with a set of evolved morals while the latter is chaos. The classical liberal tradition of von Mises and Hayek never makes the claim that the complete absence of top-down rules leads to the optimal social order. It simply says we should be skeptical about our ability to manage them in the name of social justice, equality, or progress.
Questions 1-5
Do the following statements agree with the information given in Reading Passage 1?
In boxes 1-5 on your answer sheet, write
TRUE if the statement is true
FALSE if the statement if false
NOT GIVEN if the information is not given in the passage
SKUs is a more precise measurement to demonstrate the economic level of a community.
No concrete examples are presented when the author makes the statement concerning economic evolution.
Evolution and economics show a defective homolog.
Martial actions might be taken to cross the borders if trades do not work.
Profit is the invisible hand to guide the market.
Questions 6-8
Choose the correct letter, A, B, C or D.
Write your answers in boxes 6-8 on your answer sheet.
6 What ought to play a vital role in each field the economy?
A a strict rule
B a smart strategy
C a tightly managed authority
D a powerful legislation
7-8 Which two of the following tools are used to pretend to ask for union according to one explanation from the perspective of economics
A an official announcement
B a diplomatic event
C the exchange of goods
D certain written correspondence
E some enjoyable treatment in a win-win situation
Questions 9-13
Summary
Complete the following summary of the paragraphs of Reading Passage, using no more than three words from the Reading Passage for each answer. Write your answers in boxes 9-13 on your answer sheet.
In response to the search of reasons for the phenomenon shown by the huge difference in the income between two groups of people both dwelling near the rivers, several researchers made their effort and gave certain explanations. One attributes 9 to the interesting change claiming that it is not as simple as it seems to be in appearance that the relationship between 10 which is a good example of 11 , which involve in the interaction of separate factors for the processing of information as well as the behavioral adaptation to unstable conditions. As far as the biological transformation is concerned, both 12 and the blend of genes from the last generation bring about the difference. The economic counterpart shows how generating and choosing the 13 of innumerable goods moves forward the material-oriented economy.
文章題目：經(jīng)濟(jì)進(jìn)化論
篇章結(jié)構(gòu)
體裁 論說(shuō)文
題目 經(jīng)濟(jì)進(jìn)化論
結(jié)構(gòu) A段：Yanomam人和曼哈頓人在年收入及庫(kù)存單位上存在巨大差異
B段：介紹復(fù)雜適應(yīng)系統(tǒng)
C段：物質(zhì)經(jīng)濟(jì)通過(guò)產(chǎn)品生產(chǎn)和產(chǎn)品選擇完成進(jìn)化
D段：經(jīng)濟(jì)由下而上進(jìn)行選擇
E段：經(jīng)濟(jì)進(jìn)化論解釋了采獵者如何進(jìn)化為貿(mào)易者
F段：貿(mào)易可以自由演化，也可以由更高力量來(lái)控制
試題分析
Question 1-13
題目類型：LIST OF HEADINGS
題號(hào) 定位詞 文中對(duì)應(yīng)點(diǎn) 題目解析
1 SKUs A段第三句 A段提到SKUs(庫(kù)存單位)，只是將Yanomam人和曼哈頓人在年收入和庫(kù)存單位上的差異做了一個(gè)比較，并未說(shuō)明SKUs是否能夠衡量經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展水平。
因此，本題答案為 NOT GIVEN。
2 Economic evolution C段第三句 C段第三句陳述了作者對(duì)于經(jīng)濟(jì)進(jìn)化論的觀點(diǎn)之后，接下來(lái)的內(nèi)容都是舉例，例如，VHS、DVDs、CDs、computer等等。
因此，本題答案為FALSE.
3 Economics, evolution B段第三句 B段第三句提到economics和evolution之間的關(guān)系是analogous to each other，即兩者之間是類比的、相似的，則說(shuō)明二者有相同的缺陷或者優(yōu)點(diǎn)。
因此，本題答案為T(mén)RUE。
4 Martial actions, trades ,borders E段第二句 E段第二句明確提到where goods do not cross frontiers, armies will。其中g(shù)oods、frontiers、armies分別對(duì)應(yīng)題目中的trades、borders、martial actions。
因此，本題答案為T(mén)RUE。
5 Invisible hand, market D段第二句 D段第二句提到經(jīng)濟(jì)是通過(guò)看不見(jiàn)的手自下而上進(jìn)行選擇的，此處的經(jīng)濟(jì)指的就是題目中的market，原文只提到有“看不見(jiàn)的手”在引導(dǎo)經(jīng)濟(jì)，但是并沒(méi)有說(shuō)明“看不見(jiàn)的手”是指什么。
因此，本題答案為NOT GIVEN。
6 Each field the economy D段第一句 D段第一句的第三個(gè)小分句提到，humans also infer that a top-down government designer is needed in nearly every aspect of the economy，此處的every aspect of the economy對(duì)應(yīng)題干中的 each field the economy，故能在經(jīng)濟(jì)各方面都起到作用的是a top-down government designer，即一個(gè)由上而下精心設(shè)計(jì)的政府。
因此，本題答案為C。
7 Pretend, union E段第六句 E段第六句提到，they mask the real motives for alliance through trade and reciprocal feasting，該句中的mask對(duì)應(yīng)題干的pretend，alliance對(duì)應(yīng)題干的union。原句說(shuō)他們掩蓋真實(shí)動(dòng)機(jī)尋求聯(lián)盟是通過(guò)trade和reciprocal feasting，即這兩種就是結(jié)盟的方式。Trade對(duì)應(yīng)C選項(xiàng)的the exchange of goods.
因此，本題答案為C。
8 Pretend, union E段第六句 E段第六句提到，they mask the real motives for alliance through trade and reciprocal feasting，該句中的mask對(duì)應(yīng)題干的pretend，alliance對(duì)應(yīng)題干的union。原句說(shuō)他們掩蓋真實(shí)動(dòng)機(jī)尋求聯(lián)盟是通過(guò)trade和reciprocal feasting，即這兩種就是結(jié)盟的方式。Reciprocal feasting對(duì)應(yīng)E選項(xiàng)的some enjoyable treatment in a win-win situation。
因此，本題答案為E。
9 Explanations B段第二句 B段第二句提出 the explanation is to be found in complexity theory。
因此，本題答案為complexity theory。
10 Relationship B段第三句 B段第三句提出evolution and economics are not just analogous to each other，此處提到進(jìn)化和經(jīng)濟(jì)之間不僅僅只是類比關(guān)系，對(duì)應(yīng)的就是relationship。
因此，本題答案為evolution and economics。
11 Example B段第三句 B段第三句提到，but they(evolution and economics) are actually two forms of a larger phenomenon called complex adaptive systems。該句的forms即對(duì)應(yīng)example.
因此，本題答案為 complex adaptive systems。
12 Biological transformation, difference, blend of genes C段第一句 C段第一句提到，in biological evolution, nature selects from the variation produced by random genetic mutations and the mixing of parental genes。該句中的biological evolution對(duì)應(yīng)biological transformation，variation對(duì)應(yīng)difference，mixing of parental genes對(duì)應(yīng)blend of genes。
因此，本題答案為random genetic mutations。
13 Generating and choosing C段第三句 C段第三句提到，our material economy proceeds through the production and selection of numerous permutations of countless products。該句中的production and selection對(duì)應(yīng)generating and choosing。
因此，本題答案為permutations。
參考譯文：
經(jīng)濟(jì)進(jìn)化論
A 生活在巴西和委內(nèi)瑞拉邊界的奧里諾科河畔的Yanomam人，以打獵為生，他們的平均年收入大約為每人每年90美元，而住在紐約州和新澤西州邊界的哈德遜河邊的曼哈頓人，從事著貿(mào)易行當(dāng)，他們的平均年收入大約是每人每年36000美元。然而，如果用庫(kù)存單位(SKU指標(biāo)，該數(shù)量的類型的零售產(chǎn)品可用)來(lái)衡量，這種400倍的戲劇性差異就顯得微不足道了。預(yù)計(jì)在300年和100億年的Yanomam為曼哈頓，一個(gè)差的3300萬(wàn)倍!
B 這是怎么發(fā)生的?經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家Eric D. Beinhocker在他的相關(guān)著作《財(cái)富的起源》(哈佛大學(xué)商學(xué)院出版社，2006年)中發(fā)表了若干文章,認(rèn)為可以用復(fù)雜性理論來(lái)進(jìn)行解釋。進(jìn)化和經(jīng)濟(jì)之間不僅僅只是類比的關(guān)系，它們實(shí)際上是一種更宏大的現(xiàn)象——復(fù)雜適應(yīng)系統(tǒng)的兩種形式，該系統(tǒng)中的獨(dú)立元素和部分互相作用，然后進(jìn)行信息處理以使它們的行為適應(yīng)變化的條件。免疫系統(tǒng)，生態(tài)系統(tǒng)，語(yǔ)言，法律和互聯(lián)網(wǎng)都是復(fù)雜性系統(tǒng)應(yīng)用的例子。
C 在生物進(jìn)化的過(guò)程中，自然選擇產(chǎn)生于隨機(jī)的基因突變和父母基因的組合所產(chǎn)生的變化。復(fù)雜性和多樣性就是從這種累積性的選擇過(guò)程中產(chǎn)生的。在經(jīng)濟(jì)高速發(fā)展，我們的物質(zhì)經(jīng)濟(jì)收益通過(guò)不計(jì)其數(shù)的產(chǎn)品生產(chǎn)和選擇的無(wú)數(shù)的組合完成進(jìn)化。在曼哈頓村的哪些100億的產(chǎn)品僅僅代表能夠進(jìn)入市場(chǎng)的變化部分，隨之而來(lái)的是一個(gè)消費(fèi)者在市場(chǎng)上對(duì)其最需要的產(chǎn)品進(jìn)行累積性選擇的過(guò)程。VHS代替了Betamax, DVD取代了VHS, CD取代了塑膠唱片，翻蓋式移動(dòng)手機(jī)取代了大哥大，電腦取代了打字機(jī)，谷歌取代了遠(yuǎn)景公司，運(yùn)動(dòng)型多功能車取代了旅行橋車，紙質(zhì)書(shū)取代了電子書(shū)，網(wǎng)絡(luò)新聞很快將會(huì)取代新聞廣播，這些被購(gòu)買的商品存活下來(lái)并且通過(guò)重復(fù)的使用和生產(chǎn)得以“繁殖”。
D 就像是活的有機(jī)體和生態(tài)系統(tǒng)，經(jīng)濟(jì)看起來(lái)是精心設(shè)計(jì)出來(lái)的——就像是人類自然而然是出自一個(gè)嚴(yán)謹(jǐn)?shù)闹腔鄣脑O(shè)計(jì)師之手，可以理解的是，一個(gè)組織嚴(yán)密的政府幾乎需要涉足經(jīng)濟(jì)的方方面面。但是也正是像活的有機(jī)體是通過(guò)自然選擇自下而上的一樣，經(jīng)濟(jì)也是通過(guò)看不見(jiàn)的手自下而上進(jìn)行選擇的。 進(jìn)化和經(jīng)濟(jì)之間的對(duì)應(yīng)性并不是天衣無(wú)縫的，因?yàn)樾枰恍┙M織嚴(yán)密的法則和法律來(lái)保障自由公平的貿(mào)易能夠?qū)崿F(xiàn)。但是太多的政府干預(yù)進(jìn)入市場(chǎng)使得市場(chǎng)既不能實(shí)現(xiàn)自由也談不上公平，以前進(jìn)行的這種嘗試就失敗了，因?yàn)槭袌?chǎng)遠(yuǎn)比僅僅是組織嚴(yán)密要復(fù)雜得多，各種因素相互作用，自動(dòng)催化。在Ludwig von Mises1922年所寫(xiě)的書(shū)《社會(huì)主義》中闡述了原因，其中最著名的要數(shù)在有計(jì)劃的社會(huì)主義經(jīng)濟(jì)中的“經(jīng)濟(jì)核算”。在資本主義社會(huì)中，價(jià)格是不變也快速流動(dòng)的，是由市場(chǎng)上自由的個(gè)體交換決定的，價(jià)格是人們用來(lái)指導(dǎo)消費(fèi)選擇的信息。Von Mises指出，社會(huì)主義經(jīng)濟(jì)依賴于資本主義經(jīng)濟(jì)來(lái)決定價(jià)格如何在商品和服務(wù)間分配。社會(huì)主義這種的價(jià)格決定方式是很累贅且沒(méi)有效率的。相對(duì)自由的市場(chǎng)才是最終唯一能知道消費(fèi)者希望花多少錢(qián)來(lái)購(gòu)買商品和服務(wù)。
E 經(jīng)濟(jì)進(jìn)化論有助于解釋Yanomam人作為采獵者是怎么進(jìn)化成像曼哈頓消費(fèi)貿(mào)易者的。十九世紀(jì)，法國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家Frederic Bastiat很好地總結(jié)了其中的原理：“在商品無(wú)法跨越的地方，軍隊(duì)會(huì)頂上去。”除了是強(qiáng)壯的戰(zhàn)士，Yanomam人也是精明的商人，并且當(dāng)他們?cè)蕉嗟剡M(jìn)行貿(mào)易，他們所要進(jìn)行的爭(zhēng)斗就越少。原因在于貿(mào)易是一個(gè)強(qiáng)有力的社會(huì)粘合劑，可以產(chǎn)生政治聯(lián)盟。一個(gè)村莊的村民不能直接到另一個(gè)村莊宣布他們正在遭遇可能被第三個(gè)更加強(qiáng)大的村莊征服的消息——這樣只會(huì)展示出自己的軟弱。相反，他們通過(guò)貿(mào)易和互惠的活動(dòng)掩蓋了自己的想要結(jié)盟的真正動(dòng)機(jī)。從而不僅得到了軍亊保護(hù)還激發(fā)了一種長(zhǎng)期增加雙方財(cái)富和SKU (庫(kù)存單位)的機(jī)制的產(chǎn)生。
F 自由和公平的貿(mào)易發(fā)生在社會(huì)中大多數(shù)人的方式交互提供互惠互利。必要的規(guī)則不是神圣的廟宇中的智者或是國(guó)會(huì)的立法者制定的，而是在寫(xiě)成法律前經(jīng)過(guò)幾代人演化從而被廣泛接受和參與的。法律，沒(méi)能通過(guò)這樣的測(cè)試的法律將被忽略。如果執(zhí)法過(guò)于繁重，就會(huì)有人反抗。然而人類必須交互這個(gè)概念必須也是可以由一個(gè)更高的力量來(lái)控制是通用的。有趣的是，人們沒(méi)有就 “更高的力量”是什么得到廣泛的共識(shí)。宗教人士認(rèn)為是遵循神的律法的良好行為。他們不能想象這樣一個(gè)有序的社會(huì)是無(wú)神的。世俗普通人認(rèn)為這個(gè)力量是政府。他們認(rèn)為無(wú)政府狀態(tài)是野蠻的代名詞。所有人似乎都同意這個(gè)概念，有序的社會(huì)需要一個(gè)無(wú)所不能的力量。然而，處處有證據(jù)表明事實(shí)并非如此。自發(fā)社會(huì)秩序和社會(huì)的無(wú)政府狀態(tài)的一個(gè)重要的區(qū)別是，前者是在律法和一套演化過(guò)來(lái)的道德標(biāo)準(zhǔn)之下由工作和投資演化而來(lái)的，而后者是混亂。古典自由主義傳統(tǒng)的馮米塞斯和哈耶克從未聲稱完全缺乏自上而下的規(guī)則會(huì)導(dǎo)致最優(yōu)社會(huì)秩序，它只是說(shuō)我們應(yīng)該懷疑我們以社會(huì)正義，公平或進(jìn)步的名義管理他們的能力。
參考答案：
Version 19110 主題 經(jīng)濟(jì)進(jìn)化論
1 NOT GIVEN 2 FALSE 3 TRUE 4 TRUE 5 NOT GIVEN 6 C 7 C 8 E 9 complexity theory
10 evolution and economics 11 complex adaptive systems 12 random genetic mutations 13 permutations
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