雅思閱讀選擇題解題技巧
雅思閱讀選擇題解題技巧這篇文章系統(tǒng)地給大家講解一下雅思閱讀當(dāng)中選擇題這種題型的有關(guān)知識(shí)點(diǎn)，其中包括雅思閱讀選擇題的題型要求和特點(diǎn)，做題步驟和解題技巧。下面小編就和大家分享，來欣賞一下吧。
雅思閱讀選擇題解題技巧
雅思閱讀選擇題解題技巧為大家?guī)硌潘奸喿x中最常見的一種題型之一——選擇題的解題方法和技巧的總結(jié)。選擇題是我們非常熟悉也是雅思閱讀的高頻?？椭弧ｋm說選擇題無論隨便亂選一個(gè)選項(xiàng)都有25%的正確率，如果掌握了正確的做題方法和步驟，就有機(jī)會(huì)達(dá)到100%正確率。
Multiple Choice(選擇題)
題型要求
這是一個(gè)傳統(tǒng)題型，大家都很熟悉。但就是這種大家都熟悉的題型，IELTS考試也要弄出新花樣：四選一和多選多兩種。
四選一，選項(xiàng)肯定是四個(gè)。即要求從A、B、C、D四項(xiàng)中選擇一個(gè)最符合題意的選項(xiàng)。
多選多，選項(xiàng)肯定是五個(gè)或五個(gè)以上，而正確答案的數(shù)目肯定在兩個(gè)以上。
哪個(gè)更難呢?很多同學(xué)會(huì)好不猶豫地說是多選多。實(shí)際上，多選多很容易，是一種簡(jiǎn)單題型。它具有以下幾個(gè)特點(diǎn)：
(1) 正確答案的數(shù)目是已知的。在題目的要求中會(huì)告訴你要選出幾個(gè)選項(xiàng)。題目要求中常WHICH FOUR， WHICH THREE 等字樣。
(2) 答案在原文中是集中出現(xiàn)的，對(duì)應(yīng)原文中的例舉。找著一個(gè)答案，其余幾個(gè)就在它的前后不遠(yuǎn)處。
我們舉一個(gè)中文閱讀的例子來說明。文章如下：
帕金森癥是一種頑癥。它是由大腦中缺乏一種叫多巴胺的化學(xué)物質(zhì)引起的。(后面刪減100字)很多名人深受其苦。比如，我們的改革的總設(shè)計(jì)師鄧小平、拳王阿里、以故數(shù)學(xué)家陳景潤(rùn)等等。(后面刪減100字)
題目是：以下哪三個(gè)人得過帕金森癥?
A. 鄧小平
B. 里根
C. 拳王阿里
D. 布什
E. 陳景潤(rùn) 答案：ACE
四選一在考試中，一般比較難。它的特點(diǎn)是：四個(gè)選項(xiàng)，哪個(gè)都像。好像在原文中都提到了，但又都和原文的敘述不太一樣。很容易選錯(cuò)。
選擇題和問答題的區(qū)別在于：?jiǎn)柎痤}要求你自己從原文中找答案。而選擇題給你四個(gè)選項(xiàng)，讓你選擇，在給你提示的同時(shí)，也給了你一個(gè)陷阱。有些選擇題，如果改為回答題，你可能能夠做對(duì)，但給了你四個(gè)選項(xiàng)，反而選錯(cuò)了。
考試中，四選一，A類和G類一般都是每次必考，考一組，共3題左右。多選多，不是每次必考。
雅思閱讀選擇題的題型特點(diǎn)
1. 考察內(nèi)容多為細(xì)節(jié)
除了通常位于文章末尾的 Global multiple choice 題型考察考生對(duì)全文大意的理解之外，其余的都是要建立在對(duì)文章細(xì)節(jié)的理解之上的。做這種題型時(shí)，考生沒有必要對(duì)全文進(jìn)行通讀進(jìn)行理解，而只需要對(duì)文章的一句話或者是幾句話進(jìn)行理解便可。
2. 多項(xiàng)選擇題答案集中
縱觀雅思所有的真題，不難發(fā)現(xiàn)絕大多數(shù)多項(xiàng)選擇題的答案都是出現(xiàn)在 1-2 個(gè)小段之內(nèi)(最多不超過 4 段)，而不是分散在全文?？忌灰ㄎ坏搅讼嚓P(guān)的段落并進(jìn)行略讀，根據(jù)語(yǔ)言轉(zhuǎn)換便不難找到答案。
3. 選擇項(xiàng)都有較大的同義轉(zhuǎn)換
雅思閱讀在很大程度上就是考察考生的語(yǔ)言水平，而這一步是通過題目跟文章的語(yǔ)言轉(zhuǎn)換進(jìn)行的。語(yǔ)言轉(zhuǎn)換主要通過同義詞和同義句型來實(shí)現(xiàn)，而在選擇題中，由于選項(xiàng)絕大多數(shù)都是一個(gè)短語(yǔ)，不是完整的句子，因此語(yǔ)言轉(zhuǎn)換主要是通過同義詞來進(jìn)行的。
4. 題目間有順序原則
跟絕大多數(shù)題型一樣，選擇題的題號(hào)之間都基本遵循順序原則。這意味著一旦一道題目定位不出來，可以根據(jù)相鄰的題目，把范圍推出來。
雅思閱讀選擇題的解題步驟
(1) 找出題干中的關(guān)鍵詞，最好先定位到原文中的一個(gè)段落。
將題干中的關(guān)鍵詞與原文各段落的小標(biāo)題或每段話的第一句相對(duì)照。有些題目能先定位到原文中的一個(gè)段落，著必將大大加快解題時(shí)間，并提高準(zhǔn)確率。但并不是每個(gè)題目都能先定位到原文中的一個(gè)段落的。
如果題目中的關(guān)鍵詞難以確定答案的位置，選項(xiàng)中的關(guān)鍵詞也可以作為定位的參考依據(jù)。
(2) 從頭到尾快速閱讀該段落，根據(jù)題干中的其他關(guān)鍵詞及選項(xiàng)確定正確答案。正確選項(xiàng)常常是原文相關(guān)詞句的改寫。
確定一個(gè)段落后，答案在該段落中有的具體位置是未知的。所以，需要從頭到尾快速閱讀該段落，確定正確答案。短問答的答案常常是原文原詞，而選擇題的答案常常是原文相關(guān)詞句的改寫。
(3) 有些題目比較簡(jiǎn)單，可以直接選擇。對(duì)于難題，可以用排除法確定正確答案。
有些題目比較簡(jiǎn)單，從原文很快找到對(duì)應(yīng)答案。這時(shí)可以直接選擇不必看其它選項(xiàng)。既可以節(jié)省時(shí)間，同時(shí)也避免受干擾選項(xiàng)的誤導(dǎo)。
有些題目比較難，看每個(gè)選項(xiàng)都有點(diǎn)像，但又都不太象。這時(shí)，可以用排除法，先排除掉肯定不對(duì)的選項(xiàng)，然后在剩下的選項(xiàng)中再做出選擇。通常，有兩個(gè)選項(xiàng)必有好排除，另外兩個(gè)有一定的難度。請(qǐng)參見本題型的注意事項(xiàng)部分，其中分析了干擾選項(xiàng)的特點(diǎn)。
(4) 要注意順序性，即題目的順序和原文的順序基本一致。
題目是有順序性的。第一題的答案應(yīng)在文章的前部，第二題的答案應(yīng)在第一題的答案之后。這個(gè)規(guī)律也有助于同學(xué)們確定答案的位置。
NOTICE
1. 如果一個(gè)選項(xiàng)合乎題意，還要看其它選項(xiàng)中是否有both…and、all of the above的字樣。
我們舉一個(gè)中文閱讀的例子：
原文：如果你隨便停車，要罰你款，還要把你的車拖走。
題目：如果你隨便停車，將：
A. 被罰款
B. 你的車被拖走
C. 沒事兒
D. both被罰款and你的車被拖走 答案：D
如果選項(xiàng)中有一個(gè)是all of the above，它是正確選項(xiàng)的可能性很大。Both…and是正確選項(xiàng)比all of the above小一些?？傊?，如果一個(gè)選項(xiàng)合乎題意，不要馬上選?？匆谎燮溆噙x項(xiàng)中是否有both…and, all of the above的字樣。
2. 注意題干中是否有not, except的字樣。
題干中有這些詞時(shí)，通常是將它們大寫并使用黑體，特別醒目。如果不注意看，必然答錯(cuò)題。
如前面的關(guān)于帕金森癥的中文閱讀文章，可能出一道四選一的題目：
題目：下面的人得過帕金森癥EXCEPT
A. 鄧小平
B. 里根
C. 拳王阿里
D. 陳景潤(rùn) 答案：B
3. 干擾選項(xiàng)的特點(diǎn)
做選擇題的過程就是與干擾選項(xiàng)做斗爭(zhēng)的過程。清楚干擾選項(xiàng)的特點(diǎn)，就能做到百戰(zhàn)百勝。干擾選項(xiàng)特征如下：
A. 無：選項(xiàng)中所講的內(nèi)容在原文中根本不存在，或找不到語(yǔ)言依據(jù)。要注意，答題的唯一依據(jù)是原文，不能憑借自己的知識(shí)或主觀想象。
B. 反：與原文相矛盾的選項(xiàng)。這時(shí)要注意題干或原文中是否有NOT、EXECPT等詞，也要注意反義詞。
C. 滿：含有“絕對(duì)意義”的詞匯如must、always、all、will的選項(xiàng)，一般為錯(cuò)誤選項(xiàng)。選項(xiàng)中含有“相對(duì)意義”的詞匯如can、may、sometimes、some、not always，一般為正確答案。也就是說，越是模棱兩可、含含糊糊，越可能是正確答案，因?yàn)樗m用的范圍更廣。這條規(guī)律的適用性很強(qiáng)，實(shí)踐證明它的準(zhǔn)確率在90%以上。
D. 偏：似是而非，與原句部分相似的選項(xiàng)。這是不太容易排除的。
E. 混：張冠李戴，有時(shí)題干是主語(yǔ)，選項(xiàng)是謂語(yǔ)，要留心題干的主語(yǔ)和選項(xiàng)的謂語(yǔ)構(gòu)成的主謂結(jié)構(gòu)是否張冠李戴。這種干擾項(xiàng)規(guī)律也比較明顯，常常是這樣的：
原文：甲事物的特征是X。乙事物的特征是Y。
題干是甲事物，選項(xiàng)中肯定有特征Y，但肯定沒有特征X。為什么呢?特征Y就是讓你選的干擾項(xiàng)，如果選項(xiàng)中有特征X，你肯定會(huì)選它，就不會(huì)選錯(cuò)了。也就是出題者為了這個(gè)精心布置的陷阱成功，他會(huì)舍棄特征X，而在文章的其它地方談到甲事物的時(shí)候，出現(xiàn)一個(gè)正確答案。
4. 正確選項(xiàng)應(yīng)是原文的改寫，與原文特別一致的選項(xiàng)應(yīng)引起懷疑。
正確選項(xiàng)應(yīng)是原文相關(guān)詞句的改寫，所以與原文特別一致的選項(xiàng)是正確選項(xiàng)的可能性不大。
雅思閱讀考前必看文章之經(jīng)濟(jì)類
雅思閱讀：Whose lost decade?
Japan's economy works better than pessimists think—at least for the elderly.
THE Japanese say they suffer from an economic disease called "structural pessimism". Overseas too, there is a tendency to see Japan as a harbinger of all that is doomed in the economies of the euro zone and America—even though figures released on November 14th show its economy grew by an annualised 6% in the third quarter, rebounding quickly from the March tsunami and nuclear disaster.
Look dispassionately at Japan's economic performance over the past ten years, though, and "the second lost decade", if not the first, is a misnomer. Much of what tarnishes Japan's image is the result of demography—more than half its population is over 45—as well as its poor policy in dealing with it. Even so, most Japanese have grown richer over the decade.
In aggregate, Japan's economy grew at half the pace of America's between 2001 and 2010. Yet if judged by growth in GDP per person over the same period, then Japan has outperformed America and the euro zone (see chart 1). In part this is because its population has shrunk whereas America's population has increased.
Though growth in labour productivity fell slightly short of America's from 2000 to 2008, total factor productivity, a measure of how a country uses capital and labour, grew faster, according to the Tokyo-based Asian Productivity Organisation. Japan's unemployment rate is higher than in 2000, yet it remains about half the level of America and Europe (see chart 2).
Besides supposed stagnation, the two other curses of the Japanese economy are debt and deflation. Yet these also partly reflect demography and can be overstated. People often think of Japan as an indebted country. In fact, it is the world's biggest creditor nation, boasting ￥253 trillion ($3.3 trillion) in net foreign assets.
To be sure, its government is a large debtor; its net debt as a share of GDP is one of the highest in the OECD. However, the public debt has been accrued not primarily through wasteful spending or "bridges to nowhere", but because of ageing, says the IMF. Social-security expenditure doubled as a share of GDP between 1990 and 2010 to pay rising pensions and health-care costs. Over the same period tax revenues have shrunk.
Falling tax revenues are a problem. The flip side, though, is that Japan has the lowest tax take of any country in the OECD, at just 17% of GDP. That gives it plenty of room to manoeuvre. Takatoshi Ito, an economist at the University of Tokyo, says increasing the consumption tax by 20 percentage points from its current 5%—putting it at the level of a high-tax European country—would raise ￥50 trillion and immediately wipe out Japan's fiscal deficit.
That sounds draconian. But here again, demography plays a role. Officials say the elderly resist higher taxes or benefit cuts, and the young, who are in a minority, do not have the political power to push for what is in their long-term interest. David Weinstein, professor of Japanese economy at Columbia University in New York, says the elderly would rather give money to their children than pay it in taxes. Ultimately that may mean that benefits may shrink in the future. "If you want benefits to grow in line with income, as they are now, you need a massive increase in taxes of about 10% of GDP," he says.
Demography helps explain Japan's stubborn deflation, too, he says. After all, falling prices give savers—most of whom are elderly—positive real yields even when nominal interest rates are close to zero. Up until now, holding government bonds has been a good bet. Domestic savers remain willing to roll them over, which enables the government to fund its deficits. Yet this comes at a cost to the rest of the economy.
In short, Japan's economy works better for those middle-aged and older than it does for the young. But it is not yet in crisis, and economists say there is plenty it could do to raise its potential growth rate, as well as to lower its debt burden.
Last weekend Yoshihiko Noda, the prime minister, took a brave shot at promoting reform when he said Japan planned to start consultations towards joining the Trans-Pacific Partnership. This is an American-backed free-trade zone that could lead to a lowering of tariffs on a huge swath of goods and services. Predictably it is elderly farmers, doctors and small businessmen who are most against it.
Reforms to other areas, such as the tax and benefit system, might be easier if the government could tell the Japanese a different story: not that their economy is mired in stagnation, but that its performance reflects the ups and downs of an ageing society, and that the old as well as the young need to make sacrifices.
The trouble is that the downbeat narrative is deeply ingrained. The current crop of leading Japanese politicians, bureaucrats and businessmen are themselves well past middle age. Many think they have sacrificed enough since the glory days of the 1980s, when Japan's economy seemed unstoppable. Mr Weinstein says they suffer from "diminished-giant syndrome", nervously watching the economic rise of China. If they compared themselves instead with America and Europe, they might feel heartened enough to make some of the tough choices needed.
雅思閱讀考前必看文章之經(jīng)濟(jì)類
雅思閱讀：The magic of diasporas
Immigrant networks are a rare bright spark in the world economy. Rich countries should welcome them
THIS is not a good time to be foreign. Anti-immigrant parties are gaining ground in Europe. Britain has been fretting this week over lapses in its border controls. In America Barack Obama has failed to deliver the immigration reform he promised , and Republican presidential candidates would rather electrify the border fence with Mexico than educate the children of illegal aliens. America educates foreign scientists in its universities and then expels them, a policy the mayor of New York calls "national suicide".
This illiberal turn in attitudes to migration is no surprise. It is the result of cyclical economic gloom combined with a secular rise in pressure on rich countries' borders. But governments now weighing up whether or not to try to slam the door should consider another factor: the growing economic importance of diasporas, and the contribution they can make to a country's economic growth.
Old networks, new communications
Diaspora networks—of Huguenots, Scots, Jews and many others—have always been a potent economic force, but the cheapness and ease of modern travel has made them larger and more numerous than ever before. There are now 215m first-generation migrants around the world: that's 3% of the world's population. If they were a nation, it would be a little larger than Brazil. There are more Chinese people living outside China than there are French people in France. Some 22m Indians are scattered all over the globe. Small concentrations of ethnic and linguistic groups have always been found in surprising places—Lebanese in west Africa, Japanese in Brazil and Welsh in Patagonia, for instance—but they have been joined by newer ones, such as west Africans in southern China.
These networks of kinship and language make it easier to do business across borders. They speed the flow of information: a Chinese trader in Indonesia who spots a gap in the market for cheap umbrellas will alert his cousin in Shenzhen who knows someone who runs an umbrella factory. Kinship ties foster trust, so they can seal the deal and get the umbrellas to Jakarta before the rainy season ends. Trust matters, especially in emerging markets where the rule of law is weak. So does a knowledge of the local culture. That is why so much foreign direct investment in China still passes through the Chinese diaspora. And modern communications make these networks an even more powerful tool of business.
Diasporas also help spread ideas. Many of the emerging world's brightest minds are educated at Western universities. An increasing number go home, taking with them both knowledge and contacts. Indian computer scientists in Bangalore bounce ideas constantly off their Indian friends in Silicon Valley. China's technology industry is dominated by "sea turtles" (Chinese who have lived abroad and returned).
Diasporas spread money, too. Migrants into rich countries not only send cash to their families; they also help companies in their host country operate in their home country. A Harvard Business School study shows that American companies that employ lots of ethnic Chinese people find it much easier to set up in China without a joint venture with a local firm.
Such arguments are unlikely to make much headway against hostility towards immigrants in rich countries. Fury against foreigners is usually based on two (mutually incompatible) notions: that because so many migrants claim welfare they are a drain on the public purse; and that because they are prepared to work harder for less pay they will depress the wages of those at the bottom of the pile.
The first is usually not true (in Britain, for instance, immigrants claim benefits less than indigenous people do), and the second is hard to establish either way. Some studies do indeed suggest that competition from unskilled immigrants depresses the wages of unskilled locals. But others find this effect to be small or non-existent.
Nor is it possible to establish the impact of migration on overall growth. The sums are simply too difficult. Yet there are good reasons for believing that it is likely to be positive. Migrants tend to be hard-working and innovative. That spurs productivity and company formation. A recent study carried out by Duke University showed that, while immigrants make up an eighth of America's population, they founded a quarter of the country's technology and engineering firms. And, by linking the West with emerging markets, diasporas help rich countries to plug into fast-growing economies.
Rich countries are thus likely to benefit from looser immigration policy; and fears that poor countries will suffer as a result of a "brain drain" are overblown. The prospect of working abroad spurs more people to acquire valuable skills, and not all subsequently emigrate. Skilled migrants send money home, and they often return to set up new businesses. One study found that unless they lose more than 20% of their university graduates, the brain drain makes poor countries richer.
Indian takeaways
Government as well as business gains from the spread of ideas through diasporas. Foreign-educated Indians, including the prime minister, Manmohan Singh (Oxford and Cambridge) and his sidekick Montek Ahluwalia (Oxford), played a big role in bringing economic reform to India in the early 1990s. Some 500,000 Chinese people have studied abroad and returned, mostly in the past decade; they dominate the think-tanks that advise the government, and are moving up the ranks of the Communist Party. Cheng Li of the Brookings Institution, an American think-tank, predicts that they will be 15-17% of its Central Committee next year, up from 6% in 2002. Few sea turtles call openly for democracy. But they have seen how it works in practice, and they know that many countries that practise it are richer, cleaner and more stable than China.
As for the old world, its desire to close its borders is understandable but dangerous. Migration brings youth to ageing countries, and allows ideas to circulate in millions of mobile minds. That is good both for those who arrive with suitcases and dreams and for those who should welcome them.
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