gre閱讀考試成績?nèi)绾慰焖偬嵘?/h1>
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時(shí)間：
gre閱讀考試的分?jǐn)?shù)十分重要，這是眾所周知的事情，那么gre閱讀成績?cè)撊绾翁嵘?下面小編就和大家分享gre閱讀考試成績?nèi)绾慰焖偬嵘Ｍ軌驇椭酱蠹?，來欣賞一下吧。
gre閱讀考試成績?nèi)绾慰焖偬嵘?
生詞問題
許多GRE閱讀測試文章來自國外原創(chuàng)期刊或雜志。它們涵蓋了科學(xué)技術(shù)、自然、環(huán)境保護(hù)、社會(huì)、文化、工作、生物、地理等多個(gè)領(lǐng)域。因此，遇到生詞是合理的。但有些考生遇到生詞就失去了信心。他們非?；艁y。他們打破了原來的閱讀節(jié)奏和速度。當(dāng)他們問問題時(shí)，他們因?yàn)樯~而陷入困境。因此，問題不僅沒有解決，而且影響了后續(xù)問題的速度和時(shí)間?？梢哉f，“一旦開始，他們就到處移動(dòng)”。在這方面，專家認(rèn)為新詞的出現(xiàn)是不可避免的，只要你有一個(gè)基本的詞匯，就可以一個(gè)一個(gè)地徹底新詞的問題。
有時(shí)新詞屬于更專業(yè)的詞匯。他們的出現(xiàn)不是為了考察考生的詞匯，而是為了考察考生的適應(yīng)能力和判斷能力。gre閱讀怎么練習(xí)尤其是標(biāo)題中出現(xiàn)的所謂生詞，可以使不好的事情變得更好，成為考生尋找答案的線索詞。
有時(shí)生詞的意義可以直接在上下文中獲得。gre閱讀中遇到的生詞的相當(dāng)一部分意義可以通過各種方式猜測得到。因此，在生詞周圍或語境中尋找解釋是一種有效的方法。
時(shí)間問題
gre閱讀考試備考很多學(xué)生面對(duì)GRE閱讀考試，都會(huì)感嘆時(shí)間不夠，往往考生來不及讀完整篇文章。問題解決速度達(dá)不到要求的原因有很多，如詞匯、閱讀方法和解決問題的能力。此外，還有一個(gè)重要因素：沒有權(quán)衡，沒有衡量問題的優(yōu)先性。鑒于GRE考試模式不倒箭，如果遇到很難閱讀的問題，就要花很多時(shí)間去定位和分析那些難以保證正確率的問題。建議你直接猜出答案，然后輸入下一個(gè)問題，不要在這些問題上花太多時(shí)間。只有學(xué)會(huì)選擇或拒絕，才能保證解決以下問題的時(shí)間，從而彌補(bǔ)損失，取得更好的gre閱讀成績提升。
理解問題
很多考生在日常練習(xí)和考場遇到需要查找關(guān)鍵詞和中心句的問題時(shí)，總是跟著感覺走，完全失去了方向和焦點(diǎn)，這直接導(dǎo)致了在面對(duì)問題時(shí)很難回到原來的位置。因此，考生應(yīng)學(xué)會(huì)在閱讀過程中直接尋找線索，即中心句的關(guān)鍵詞。建議我們?cè)谌粘５恼n堂和習(xí)題中總結(jié)試題的特點(diǎn)，用一兩個(gè)詞覆蓋整個(gè)題目。使用關(guān)鍵詞來定位答案，更多地關(guān)注目標(biāo)，更有方向性。
其實(shí)，只要有經(jīng)驗(yàn)的考生都會(huì)知道，在最后一個(gè)錯(cuò)誤造成之后，就應(yīng)該盡量避免在同類問題面前再次犯錯(cuò)。這樣，就更容易知道他們的弱點(diǎn)在哪里。如何提高gre閱讀的效率，是掌握gre閱讀解決問題的技巧，避免其弱點(diǎn)失分的關(guān)鍵。
GRE閱讀：法國二月革命
In February 1848 the people of Paris rose in revolt against the constitutional monarchy of Louis-Philippe. Despite the existence of excellent narrative accounts, the February Days, as this revolt is called, have been largely ignored by social historians of the past two decades. For each of the three other major insurrections in nineteenth-century Paris—July 1830, June 1848, and May 1871—there exists at least a sketch of participants’ backgrounds and an analysis, more or less rigorous, of the reasons for the occurrence of the uprisings. Only in the case of the February Revolution do we lack a useful description of participants that might characterize it in the light of what social history has taught us about the process of revolutionary mobilization. Two reasons for this relative neglect seem obvious. First, the insurrection of February has been overshadowed by that of June. The February Revolution overthrew a regime, to be sure, but met with so little resistance that it failed to generate any real sense of historical drama. Its successor, on the other hand, appeared to pit key socioeconomic groups in a life-or-death struggle and was widely seen by contemporary observers as marking a historical departure. Through their interpretations, which exert a continuing influence on our understanding of the revolutionary process, the impact of the events of June has been magnified, while, as an unintended consequence, the significance of the February insurrection has been diminished. Second, like other “successful” insurrections, the events of February failed to generate the most desirable kinds of historical records. Although the June insurrection of 1848 and the Paris Commune of 1871 would be considered watersheds of nineteenth-century French history by any standard, they also present the social historian with a signal advantage: these failed insurrections created a mass of invaluable documentation as a by-product of authorities’ efforts to search out and punish the rebels.
Quite different is the outcome of successful insurrections like those of July 1830 and February 1848. Experiences are retold, but participants typically resume their daily routines without ever recording their activities. Those who played salient roles may become the objects of highly embellished verbal accounts or in rare cases, of celebratory articles in contemporary periodicals. And it is true that the publicly acknowledged leaders of an uprising frequently write memoirs. However, such documents are likely to be highly unreliable, unrepresentative, and unsystematically preserved, especially when compared to the detailed judicial dossiers prepared for everyone arrested following a failed insurrection. As a consequence, it may prove difficult or impossible to establish for a successful revolution a comprehensive and trustworthy picture of those who participated, or to answer even the most basic questions one might pose concerning the social origins of the insurgents.
12.1. According to the passage, “a useful description of participants” (lines 11-12) exists for which of the following insurrections of nineteenth-century France?
I. The July Insurrection of 1830
II. The February Revolution of 1848
III. The June insurrection of 1848
IV. The May insurrection of 1871
(A) I and III only
(B) II and IV only
(C) I, II, and III only
(D) I, III, and IV only
(E) II, III, and IV only
12.2. It can be inferred from the passage that support for the objectives of the February Revolution was
(A) negligible
(B) misguided
(C) fanatical
(D) spontaneous
(E) widespread
12.3. Which of the following, best describes the organization of the second paragraph?
(A) The thesis of the passage is stated and supporting evidence systematically presented.
(B) Two views regarding the thesis presented in the first paragraph are compared and contrasted.
(C) Evidence refuting the thesis presented in the first paragraph is systematically presented.
(D) The thesis presented in the first paragraph is systematically supported.
(E) The thesis presented in the first paragraph is further defined and a conclusion drawn.
12.4. It can be inferred from the passage that the author considers which of the following essential for understanding a revolutionary mobilization?
(A) A comprehensive theory of revolution that can be applied to the major insurrections of the nineteenth century
(B) Awareness of the events necessary for a revolution to be successful
(C) Access to narratives and memoirs written by eyewitnesses of a given revolution
(D) The historical perspective provided by the passage of a considerable amount of time
(E) Knowledge of the socioeconomic backgrounds of a revolution’s participants
12.5. Which of the following can be inferred about the “detailed judicial dossiers” referred to in line 49?
(A) Information contained in the dossiers sheds light on the social origins of a revolution’s participants.
(B) The dossiers closely resemble the narratives written by the revolution’s leaders in their personal memoirs.
(C) The information that such dossiers contain is untrustworthy and unrepresentative of a revolution’s participants.
(D) Social historians prefer to avoid such dossiers whenever possible because they are excessively detailed.
(E) The February Revolution of 1848 produced more of these dossiers than did the June insurrection.
12.6. Which of the following is the most lical objection to the claim made in lines 38-39?
(A) The February Revolution of 1848 is much less significant than the July insurrection of 1830.
(B) The backgrounds and motivations of participants in the July insurrection of 1830 have been identified, however cursorily.
(C) Even less is known about the July insurrection of 1830 than about the February Revolution of 1848.
(D) Historical records made during the July insurrection of 1830 are less reliable than those made during the May insurrection of 1871.
(E) The importance of the July insurrection of 1830 has been magnified at the expense of the significance of the February Revolution of 1848.
12.7. With which of the following statements regarding revolution would the author most likely agree?
(A) Revolutionary mobilization requires a great deal of planning by people representing disaffected groups.
(B) The objectives of the February Revolution were more radical than those of the June insurrection.
(C) The process of revolutionary mobilization varies greatly from one revolution to the next.
(D) Revolutions vary greatly in the usefulness of the historical records that they produce.
(E) As knowledge of the February Revolution increases, chances are good that its importance will eventually eclipse that of the June insurrection.
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