雅思閱讀精讀：提升閱讀成績(jī)的不二法門
雅思閱讀精讀：提升閱讀成績(jī)的不二法門
雅思閱讀精讀是提升閱讀成績(jī)的不二法門。小編給大家?guī)砹搜潘奸喿x精讀，希望能夠幫助到大家，下面小編就和大家分享，來欣賞一下吧。
雅思閱讀精讀：提升閱讀成績(jī)的不二法門
認(rèn)真選擇精讀文章，只需10篇?jiǎng)蛭恼拢愕某煽?jī)就可以在7.5以上。(前提是你不是流于形式，而是走心的)閑的蛋疼的學(xué)霸可以精讀個(gè)30篇，8.5以上妥妥的。
我一直認(rèn)為精讀最大的目的在于四點(diǎn)：
生詞+學(xué)科核心生詞;每道題涉及解題的同義替換;長(zhǎng)難句的不回讀訓(xùn)練;段落中心句位置+文章構(gòu)架的積累訓(xùn)練與開悟體驗(yàn)
雅思閱讀精讀1.生詞+學(xué)科核心生詞
學(xué)生公認(rèn)精讀來掃清閱讀單詞死角是再合適不過的了，尤其精讀了幾篇生物類文章，再答生物類全都認(rèn)識(shí)了。
比如C7螞蟻智能里面的forage/scout/bearing/odour等詞，精讀過少量生物類文章，再去做OG上的swarm之類的文章就非常easy了，通篇可以快速讀懂，準(zhǔn)確定位，正確率超高。
再如精讀過C9的金星凌日，天文類詞匯基底你就get到了，什么日食月食軌道運(yùn)行太陽黑子與光斑，只要考試出了天文類，百分之75以上的基底詞匯你都是認(rèn)識(shí)的，答題就自如多了。
雅思閱讀精讀2.每道題涉及解題的同義替換
剛好寫了個(gè)回答關(guān)于：雅思閱讀每次大概定位準(zhǔn)確了，但是精準(zhǔn)的定位總是偏差一點(diǎn)，怎么破?!?
粗定位一個(gè)定位詞，全文沒準(zhǔn)兒30多處，俗話說：兩點(diǎn)定一線，你的關(guān)鍵詞/定位詞，至少要畫兩個(gè)以上還要全都找到。我一般建議學(xué)生“抓三點(diǎn)”“抓四點(diǎn)”“抓五點(diǎn)”，題配句，詞換詞，細(xì)定位就是要找至少兩三個(gè)換的詞。
說到底，同義替換詞這個(gè)事情，還是要多多積累的，比積累詞匯量在雅思閱讀中，還要重要。
所以單詞量達(dá)到瓶頸以后，要做的是背“同義替換詞表”
雅思閱讀精讀3.長(zhǎng)難句的不回讀訓(xùn)練
忘了是哪個(gè)老師跟我說過：三行以上必出題。
N個(gè)學(xué)生的反饋都是：長(zhǎng)難句讀到后半句，前面就忘了度過了什么。OR 單詞都認(rèn)識(shí)，就是讀文章速度太慢。
當(dāng)年考GMAT看過一本《GMAT長(zhǎng)難句練習(xí)》，里面提到了”打死我也不回讀”這個(gè)方法，一直分享給學(xué)生，效果反饋很棒。里面說：
只要每天練習(xí)五個(gè)長(zhǎng)難句不回讀訓(xùn)練，看到大長(zhǎng)句子，習(xí)慣性切割主謂賓，一周就會(huì)看到效果。本來想著不就是主謂賓嘛，結(jié)果練了十多天，讀題速度有了飛躍性的提升。
長(zhǎng)難句再也不是問題，看到就自動(dòng)讀主謂賓，這就可以輕松記住意思，讀下面句子的時(shí)候，邏輯就形成了非常舒服的銜接。如果有題在句子中，再去精讀也不遲。
雅思閱讀精讀4.段落中心句位置+文章構(gòu)架的積累訓(xùn)練與開悟體驗(yàn)
LOH(List of Headings)和 段落信息配對(duì)，怎么做，主要靠精讀的這個(gè)步驟。
LOH做多了，自然有了feel，首句中心句?末句中心句?轉(zhuǎn)折中心句?這就不細(xì)說了，做多了就知道。
段落信息配對(duì)題，俗稱斷子絕孫題，因?yàn)闊o序且惡心，同義替換幅度較大，有時(shí)候需要通讀全文。我卻始終堅(jiān)信“預(yù)測(cè)乃解決斷子絕孫題的直通車”。只要精讀了，你就會(huì)發(fā)現(xiàn)，原來文章各個(gè)部位都有暗示你過，那么下次如果你沒讀原文直接做MATCHING你要怎么“蒙題”，精讀多了你就懂了……
BTW，精讀之前，務(wù)必掐著時(shí)間做題，劍橋文章有限珍貴，不能上來直接精讀，不要浪費(fèi)掐時(shí)間的機(jī)會(huì)!
雅思閱讀素材積累：Now you know
雅思閱讀：Now you know
When should you teach children, and when should you let them explore?
IT IS one of the oldest debates in education. Should teachers tell pupils
the way things are or encourage them to find out for themselves? Telling
children "truths" about the world helps them learn those facts more quickly. Yet
the efficient learning of specific facts may lead to the assumption that when
the adult has finished teaching, there is nothing further to learn—because if
there were, the adult would have said so. A study just published in Cognition by
Elizabeth Bonawitz of the University of California, Berkeley, and Patrick Shafto
of the University of Louisville, in Kentucky, suggests that is true.
Dr Bonawitz and Dr Shafto arranged for 85 four- and five-year-olds to be
presented, during a visit to a museum, with a novel toy that looked like a
tangle of coloured pipes and was capable of doing many different things. They
wanted to know whether the way the children played with the toy depended on how
they were instructed by the adult who gave it to them.
One group of children had a strictly pedagogical introduction. The
experimenter said "Look at my toy! This is my toy. I'm going to show you how my
toy works." She then pulled a yellow tube out of a purple tube, creating a
squeaking sound. Following this, she said, "Wow, see that? This is how my toy
works!" and then demonstrated the effect again.
With a second group of children, the experimenter acted differently. She
interrupted herself after demonstrating the squeak by saying she had to go and
write something down, thus suggesting that she might not have finished the
demonstration. With a third group, she activated the squeak as if by accident.
To a fourth, the toy was simply presented with the comment, "Wow, see this toy?
Look at this!"
After these varied introductions, the children were left with the toy and
allowed to play. They might discover that, as well as the squeaker, the toy had
a button inside one tube which activated a light, a keypad that played musical
notes, and an inverting mirror inside one of the tubes. All the children were
told to let the experimenter know when they had finished playing and were asked
by the instructor if they were done if they stopped playing for more than five
consecutive seconds. The entire interaction was recorded on video.
Footage of each child playing was passed to a research assistant who was
ignorant of the purpose of the study. The assistant was asked to record the
total playing time, the number of different actions the child performed, the
time spent playing with the squeak, and the number of other functions the child
discovered.
The upshot was that children in the first group spent less time playing
(119 seconds) than those in the second (180 seconds), the third (133 seconds) or
the fourth (206 seconds). Those in the first group also tried out four different
actions, on average. The others tried 5.3, 5.9 and 6.2, respectively. A similar
pattern (0.7, 1.3, 1.2 and 1.2) pertained to the number of functions other than
the squeak that the children found.
The researchers' conclusion was that, in the context of strange toys of
unknown function, prior explanation does, indeed, inhibit exploration and
discovery. Generalising from that would be ambitious. But it suggests that
further research might be quite a good idea
雅思閱讀素材積累：Whose lost decade?
Japan's economy works better than pessimists think—at least for the
elderly.
THE Japanese say they suffer from an economic disease called "structural
pessimism". Overseas too, there is a tendency to see Japan as a harbinger of all
that is doomed in the economies of the euro zone and America—even though figures
released on November 14th show its economy grew by an annualised 6% in the third
quarter, rebounding quickly from the March tsunami and nuclear disaster.
Look dispassionately at Japan's economic performance over the past ten
years, though, and "the second lost decade", if not the first, is a misnomer.
Much of what tarnishes Japan's image is the result of demography—more than half
its population is over 45—as well as its poor policy in dealing with it. Even
so, most Japanese have grown richer over the decade.
In aggregate, Japan's economy grew at half the pace of America's between
2001 and 2010. Yet if judged by growth in GDP per person over the same period,
then Japan has outperformed America and the euro zone (see chart 1). In part
this is because its population has shrunk whereas America's population has
increased.
Though growth in labour productivity fell slightly short of America's from
2000 to 2008, total factor productivity, a measure of how a country uses capital
and labour, grew faster, according to the Tokyo-based Asian Productivity
Organisation. Japan's unemployment rate is higher than in 2000, yet it remains
about half the level of America and Europe (see chart 2).
Besides supposed stagnation, the two other curses of the Japanese economy
are debt and deflation. Yet these also partly reflect demography and can be
overstated. People often think of Japan as an indebted country. In fact, it is
the world's biggest creditor nation, boasting ￥253 trillion ($3.3 trillion) in
net foreign assets.
To be sure, its government is a large debtor; its net debt as a share of
GDP is one of the highest in the OECD. However, the public debt has been accrued
not primarily through wasteful spending or "bridges to nowhere", but because of
ageing, says the IMF. Social-security expenditure doubled as a share of GDP
between 1990 and 2010 to pay rising pensions and health-care costs. Over the
same period tax revenues have shrunk.
Falling tax revenues are a problem. The flip side, though, is that Japan
has the lowest tax take of any country in the OECD, at just 17% of GDP. That
gives it plenty of room to manoeuvre. Takatoshi Ito, an economist at the
University of Tokyo, says increasing the consumption tax by 20 percentage points
from its current 5%—putting it at the level of a high-tax European country—would
raise ￥50 trillion and immediately wipe out Japan's fiscal deficit.
That sounds draconian. But here again, demography plays a role. Officials
say the elderly resist higher taxes or benefit cuts, and the young, who are in a
minority, do not have the political power to push for what is in their long-term
interest. David Weinstein, professor of Japanese economy at Columbia University
in New York, says the elderly would rather give money to their children than pay
it in taxes. Ultimately that may mean that benefits may shrink in the future.
"If you want benefits to grow in line with income, as they are now, you need a
massive increase in taxes of about 10% of GDP," he says.
Demography helps explain Japan's stubborn deflation, too, he says. After
all, falling prices give savers—most of whom are elderly—positive real yields
even when nominal interest rates are close to zero. Up until now, holding
government bonds has been a good bet. Domestic savers remain willing to roll
them over, which enables the government to fund its deficits. Yet this comes at
a cost to the rest of the economy.
In short, Japan's economy works better for those middle-aged and older than
it does for the young. But it is not yet in crisis, and economists say there is
plenty it could do to raise its potential growth rate, as well as to lower its
debt burden.
Last weekend Yoshihiko Noda, the prime minister, took a brave shot at
promoting reform when he said Japan planned to start consultations towards
joining the Trans-Pacific Partnership. This is an American-backed free-trade
zone that could lead to a lowering of tariffs on a huge swath of goods and
services. Predictably it is elderly farmers, doctors and small businessmen who
are most against it.
Reforms to other areas, such as the tax and benefit system, might be easier
if the government could tell the Japanese a different story: not that their
economy is mired in stagnation, but that its performance reflects the ups and
downs of an ageing society, and that the old as well as the young need to make
sacrifices.
The trouble is that the downbeat narrative is deeply ingrained. The current
crop of leading Japanese politicians, bureaucrats and businessmen are themselves
well past middle age. Many think they have sacrificed enough since the glory
days of the 1980s, when Japan's economy seemed unstoppable. Mr Weinstein says
they suffer from "diminished-giant syndrome", nervously watching the economic
rise of China. If they compared themselves instead with America and Europe, they
might feel heartened enough to make some of the tough choices needed.
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